TWO
YEARS FOR MURDER
Terrorist Joseph Magee, who gunned down a Derby
soldier in cold blood, was released from a
Northern Ireland prison under the Good Friday
Agreement after serving just two years.
Newark MP Patrick Mercer said, "You have to
ask whether a soldier who had murdered someone in
Northern Ireland would be treated in a similarly
lenient fashion." A former sergeant said,
"I think they treat the enemy better than
the people actually fighting." (Source: Derby Evening Telegraph, Apr/06) |
YOBS
CHARTER
A headteacher's cheekbone was shattered with a
single punch from a pupil. Liz Jones was sent
flying across the school canteen because she told
Dexter Hungwa to close a door. The 16-year-old
shouted obscenities and struck her with such
force she felt as though she was being hit with a
boulder.
But her assailant, who left her in constant pain
from nerve damage and suffering sleepless nights,
escaped a jail sentence despite admitting causing
grievous bodily harm. You can bet your life that
if the teacher had attacked the pupil and broken
his cheekbone, they would definately have been
handed a prison sentence. (Source: Mail on Sunday, Jul/06) |
LIFERS
A total of 53 people sentenced to life
imprisonment since 2000 in England and Wales have
already been released on licence. Monmouth Tory
MP, David Davies, said, "Life should mean
life in prison.
These criminals should not be released before
they have served their sentence that they were
given in a court of law." But a Home Office
spokesman said, "Tariffs are set by judges
and release is by order of the parole
board."
The Criminal Justice Act of 2003 requires all
prisoners sentenced to more than 12 months to be
released after half of their sentence. (Source: BBC News, Jun/06) |
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JUSTICE
Lawyers and probation officers rounded on the
Metropolitan police commissioner, Sir John Stevens, after
he claimed that Britain's "appalling" criminal
justice system contributed to a rise in violent crime.
Britain's most senior police officer claimed in a speech
at Leicester University that criminals were in effect
above the law, while judges, defence lawyers and court
administrators rode roughshod over the rights of
terrified victims and intimidated witnesses. He told
students that it was not uncommon for muggers to be
released on bail eight or nine times for separate
offences before facing trial for their first attack.
Far from reducing robberies, rapes and violent attacks,
Sir John claimed that the criminal justice system
provided a shield for criminals and let the guilty walk
free. "All too often, the criminal trial is simply
an uneven game of tactics played out by lawyers in front
on an uninformed jury with the disillusioned victims and
bemused defendant looking on. The public are more than
disenchanted with criminal justice in this country, they
are fed up with it. The process actually encourages
criminals in the belief that crime is merely a game of no
consequence to society, local communities or their
victims so they are not held to account. So we see
robbers with strings of previous convictions, strutting
across the estates of inner London, having won their most
recent game in court, arrogant, untouchable, fearless and
ready for anything."
The commissioner has attacked the "criminal justice
game" several times in recent weeks mostly in
response to criticism from the home secretary, David
Blunkett, over the failure of the police to get to grips
with the rise in street robbery and in response to
demands for police reform. Harry Fletcher of the National
Association of Probation Officers claimed the
commissioner was wrong to claim that fewer violent
criminals were being sent to prison. "Since 1993 the
crown courts have jailed an increasing number of people,
up from 49% of those found guilty to 63%. So we're
jailing more people than ever before."
The Law Society and the Bar Council also criticised Sir
John saying that a civilised society demanded that
criminal convictions were proved beyond reasonable doubt.
"That is not a game. It is a fundamental principle
of a modern society," said a Bar Council spokesman.
The Justicial System
We do not know how juries reach their
verdicts. Any research on that topic is precluded by the
Contempt of Court Act, and juries do not give reasons for
their decisions. Occasionally, horror stories emerge as
to the way in which the jury has set about its task. In
one recent murder trial some members of the jury sought
to contact the victim by using a ouija board. In another
case where the accused, a Mr Qureshi, had been found
guilty of the arson, a female member of the jury alleged
that disparaging and racist remarks about the defendant
were made by some jurors throughout the trial, that one
juror fell asleep in court and another was deaf and could
not hear all the evidence.
Sometimes a member of the court staff stumbles on what
has been going on. At the end of a recent trial, the
judge retired to await the jury's verdict. A harassed
jury bailiff then told him that two of the jury had
climbed through a window and were sitting on a ledge
smoking cigarettes (or similar) and refusing to
participate in the jury's deliberations.
We are almost alone in Europe in our use of juries. The
French use them, but only for the most serious crimes,
where the court is presided over by three judges with
nine lay jurors. Very sensibly, they decide guilt and
sentence together; previous convictions are known to all;
and a simple majority is enough for a verdict, voting
being carried out by secret ballot. Holland relies
entirely on professional judges. Italy puts its trust in
a tribunal of three judges, while Germany, Austria,
France, Finland and Sweden prefer to try criminal cases
with mixed tribunals consisting of a professional judge
and a number of laymen. Even in England and Wales only
about 1% of criminal cases culminate in trial by jury.
Is it not at least worth asking why everyone else is
marching out of step except for us? Should we not find
out how juries are performing? Irrespective of the
advantages trial by jury may bring, the institution of
the jury - a randomly picked and legally untrained body -
must stand or fall on its ability to find the truth. Many
judges who daily preside over trials in the crown court
are of the view that wrongful acquittals happen far too
frequently. These are, on the whole, not
"perverse" acquittals (in the sense that the
jury has acquitted because it disapproves of the law or
the prosecution in seeking to enforce it); they appear to
result from a failure of the jury to apply to the
evidence the intellectual rigour necessary for its
members to feel sure of the defendant's guilt. There are
no appeals against such decisions.
Some judges estimate that the jury gets it wrong in about
one in four cases. There are, of course, many trials
where there is room for more than one conclusion on the
evidence, and where it is understandable that the jury's
view differs from that of the trial judge. There are many
others, however, where no such indulgence is possible. Of
the approximately 20,000 defendants who pleaded not
guilty in the crown court in 1999 and were tried, 64%
were acquitted. In the magistrates' court, the equivalent
figure was 5%.
In his recent Review of the Criminal Courts, Lord Justice
Auld expressed deep reservations about the jury system.
He recommends that the trial judge or the court of appeal
should be able to inquire into any alleged impropriety by
a jury and that the law be amended to allow research into
how juries reach their verdicts. It is perhaps a measure
of his limited confidence in the jury system that he also
recommends that jury trial for intermediate offences,
where the likely sentence is no more than two years'
custody, should be abolished and replaced by trial by a
judge and two lay magistrates and that in serious fraud
cases the judge should be able to direct that the trial
be by judge and two experts; in the case of young
defendants (under 18), trial should be by judge and two
youth magistrates, and in all indictable cases the
defendant should, with the consent of the court, have the
option of trial by judge alone.
Some three weeks before the consultation on the review
came to an end, the Times reported that the Cabinet had
decided to reject the Auld recommendations to remove
trial by jury in the cases referred to. Apparently, the
united opposition of the Bar and the Law Society was
enough to persuade the government to surrender the field
even before any serious debate had begun. Research should
now be carried out into how juries reach verdicts. We
need to know if the jury is a reasonably efficient
fact-finding tribunal. If it is not and cannot adequately
be improved, it should be replaced by some other method
of trial that is likely to err less frequently. For that
we could do worse than study the methods of our
continental neighbours.
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