NOT
IN OUR BACKYARD
Former Labour Minister Michael Wills used his job
to champion the rights of foreigners to settle in
this country, arguing that to contradict this
view showed a 'lack of understanding' of what has
made us a great nation.
He and his kind turned a deaf ear to those who
complained when faced with the prospect that the
Government intended to house asylum seekers in
hostels in towns and cities without local
consultation.
Ministers dismissed those worried about rising
crime and falling house prices as racist. But
what do we see now? Faced with the prospect of
their local council placing asylum seekers in the
wealthy area of Belsize Park, residents are up in
arms.
And who do we see at the forefront of this
protest? None other than Jill Wills, wife of the
former minister. She is insisting that she is not
against the new arrivals, merely that the local
authority has kept her and her neighbours in the
dark.
This is a classic case of 'not in my backyard' so
typical of the political elite that sets itself
above practising what it so readily preaches. |
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THE FRONTLINE
By Richard Pendlebury
Normanton has long been called "The Frontline".
Rather than trenches and barbed wire, the battleground is
marked by a mini-roundabout through which traffic grinds
between world-weary red-brick terraces, where Normanton
Road ends and the deceptively idyllic-sounding Pear Tree
Road begins. Locals originally gave it the nickname
because this acre of inner-city deprivation was where
prostitutes and drug dealers openly plied their trades.
Today, the street-walkers have largely relocated, thanks
to police and community action, although drug abuse
remains a blight. Yet the name "Frontline"
still suits Normanton. Here, amid the Halal butchers and
Asian fashion shops, one can sense the seething tensions
which threaten to explode and expose the scandal of
Britain's shambolic asylum-seeker dispersal policy.
However, this is not a story of white families reacting
against groups of asylum-seekers being "dumped"
in their areas by a cynical government which appears to
have no thought about how such groups will integrate.
Instead, in Normanton, the backlash has come from the
large population of hard-working Pakistanis and Indians
who feel the arbitrary introduction of mainly young,
single, male Iraqi Kurd asylum-seekers is yet another
threat to their hard-won stake in British society. This
is such a controversial issue that Derby police expressed
concern that any publicity could provoke further trouble.
But Normanton demands examination. The district is not so
much a racial "tinderbox", it is a deprived,
multi-ethnic, urban community, creaking and fragmenting
as the result of Britain's appallingly lax asylum
policies.
Historically, Britain was at the centre of the Industrial
Revolution, and the terrace streets of Normanton sprang
up to house the employees of its engineering factories
and foundries. The city has successfully absorbed
overseas immigration for more than 150 years - the first
significant wave being the Irish, who arrived in large
numbers to build the Victorian railways. Then, after the
last war, Poles and Ukrainians settled, followed, in the
Sixties, by an influx from Commonwealth countries such as
India, Pakistan and various Caribbean islands. Today,
Normanton has 13,500 residents, of which almost exactly
half belong to an ethnic minority. To an outsider, the
area seems dreary. Residents will tell you its schools
are poor and its health service facilities under
pressure, while its housing and other amenities are of a
lower standard than anywhere else in the city.
According to the blunt view of Shokat Lal, general
secretary of the Pakistani Community Centre,
"Normanton is a horrible area with nothing to brag
about." Against this social background, there are
some who have turned to militant Islam. For example, Omar
Khan Sharif, the son of Pakistani immigrants, joined the
fringe radical Islamic group Al-Mahajiroun and travelled
to Israel, where he tried to bomb a bar in Tel Aviv. Mr
Lal says, "As a result, the Pakistani community here
have been labelled terrorists and this has taken away
from the very real issues in Normanton of poor education
and unemployment. There are a lot of angry young men
around here who have lost faith in the police. I know, as
a young Asian man, I am treated with more respect if I am
wearing a baseball cap."
The last thing such a community needed, surely, was to
have large numbers of Kurdish asylum-seekers placed here.
They were sent under the terms of the Immigration and
Asylum Act, which includes a scheme to disperse
applicants away from concentrations in london and
south-eastern coastal towns. Official figures suggest
there are between 1,000 and 2,000 asylum-seekers in
Derby, awaiting the processing of their residency
applications. However, Mr Lal estimates the true figure,
for Kurds alone, is nearer 4,000. In the past decade,
Normanton has accepted Somali, Afghan and Bosnian
refugees. However, what set the Kurds apart are their
large numbers and the fact that they are almost entirely
single, young men.
The majority of Kurds are Islamic but their approach to
faith is a little more relaxed than in some Muslim
countries. Alcohol is tolerated and, privately, enjoyed.
What is more, history and geography have given the
Kurdish character a robust independence. Thousands of
miles from home, the young Kurds, many from rural
backgrounds, roam Normanton in large groups. They
congregate in a Kurdish-owned cafe on The Frontline,
spilling outside and blocking the pavement. This was not
assimilation, said the locals. This was a nuisance. And
so resentment among first and second-generation Asian
Muslim, Hindu and Sikh residents grew. Other factors
exacerbated the situation. In October 2002, a popular
medical centre closed. According to the NHS, it shut
because the doctor had retired, but rumour spread locally
that the centre was being converted for the sole use of
asylum-seekers.
Since half of Derby's NHS surgeries have closed their
registers to new patients because of over-subscription,
the resentment grew. They felt the Kurds had been
"dumped" in Normanton because it was already
poor and multi-ethnic, and therefore a soft touch.
Tensions came to a head in June 2003 when, following a
clash between a Pakistani and a Kurd, rival mobs, several
hundred strong, congregated on Normanton Road and had to
be separated by police. Soon after, an attempt was made
to burn down the Kurdish cafe. Hostility towards the
Kurds came not only from the Pakistani community.
Forty-four business leaders signed a petition protesting
about the number of asylum-seekers being
"dispersed" to Normanton.
It was organised by Talwar Singh, a Sikh businessman
whose textile company, a few doors from the Kurdish cafe,
has been based on the Frontline for 30 years. Mr Singh
does not mince his words. He says Pakistani and Indian
immigrants have an historic and cultural link with
Britain. The vast majority, while maintaining traditions,
have assimilated and consider themselves to be British.
On the other hand, he says the Kurds have no connection
with this country and are unsuited to life here. Mr Singh
said, "I have just spent £2,500 on metal shutters
for my shop, because these people are always outside. It
is very intimidating. Recently, one wandered into my yard
and when I told him to leave, he abused me. They should
have been taught about the culture and society of this
country. They have no respect for women, old people or
children. Why should we taxpayers support them?"
Similar views were expressed at a large meeting of the
Pakistani community. "We had a very big meeting and
there were some very xenophobic voices," says Shokat
Lal, general secretary of the Pakistani Community Centre.
"We asked the people who expressed those views to
cast their minds back to the late Sixties amd remember
how they were treated when they first arrived in the UK.
We say 'Live and let live', but you have to live in a
certain way. Unfortunately, there have been many
incidents which have caused bad feeling. Kurdish guys
have been driving the wrong way down one-way streets,
causing accidents and then abandoning their cars. They
have no training or insurance."
After the riot, Mr Lal attended a highly-charged meeting
police and local community leaders, during which tempers
flared when a Kurd accused the Pakistanis of attacking
their cafe. In July, similar tensions between Iraqi Kurds
and residents of Wrexham, Wales, led to pitched battles
in which five police officers were injured. It was not
surprising that, in September, the National Asylum
Support Service (NASS), the government agency which
houses asylum-seekers while they await the result of
residency applications, called a temporary halt to
dispersals to Derby and other centres. It had suffered
heavy criticism, not least from the Campaign for Racial
Equality, whose chairman Trevor Phillips described the
dispersals as "disastrous".
"The dispersal policy has turned out to be the
principle factor in destroying community cohesion in
towns and cities in this country," said Mr Phillips.
"We cannot put people in places that are already
miserable, anxious and angry." The number of Kurds
on the streets of Normanton has recently declined. But
other problems have arisen, not least the way Kurdish
youths treat women. "There was a specific issue of
them harassing Asian women, not just Pakistani, but
Indian, too," says Mr Lal. "They were following
them down the road, stopping them and chatting them up.
Sometimes, if the women said 'No' after being asked out,
they were physically assaulted."
During Ramadan, Mr Lal says he invited a Kurdish
community leader to speak on a radio station he was
running for the festival. "I put the question of
harassment to him. Interestingly, he said members of his
community wanted to go out with British Asian or white
women in order to get independent leave to remain. In
short, it was in their best interests to embark on a
relationship which might lead to marriage in order to
secure residency. That was quite worrying, and we have
had numerous incidents of harassment. Both the police and
the council have said they are young, single men with
very little to do. So the council has offered them a
community centre."
Naturally, this, too, has attracted criticism. "The
Somalis, Afghans and Bosnians have not caused problems,
so they do not get offered their own centres," says
Mr Lal. "The Kurds are being rewarded for their
misdeeds. We have told the authorities that if the
community centre is in a residential area there will be
more problems." Meanwhile, Andy Thomas, of the Derby
Community Safety Partnership, which brings together key
agencies in the city to reduce crime and disorder, says,
"We are looking closely at ways of enabling the
Iraqi Kurd people to take an active part in the life of
the city. There are no plans for a purpose-built centre.
However, we are working with all sections of the
community to identify suitable premises in the short term
that meet both the needs of Iraqi Kurds and the wider
community."
Back in the Kurdish cafe, Bekim is enjoying what the menu
describes as "Iraqi tea". He is 19, originates
from the town of Sulaymaniyah and has been in Derby for
14 months, having crossed illegally from northern Iraq
through Iran, Turkey, Greece, Italy and France. They
journey cost his family £6,000. Now, he attends a
language college in Derby and has an English girlfriend.
Denying claims of harassment, he says, "If I want a
girl, I go to a nightclub. I have heard what they say
about us and it is not true. The Pakistanis have problems
not only with us, but with the Indians and the English,
too. They attacked a Kurd with a sword, like in the film
Gladiator. We cause no problems."
Bekim has been given free accomodation and receives
£30-a-week benefit. "Derby is my home now," he
says. "It is beautiful. I am very proud of my
city." Of course, this is the aspirational voice of
every new immigrant. But his sense of new-found civic
pride involves a much wider question: "To whom does
Derby belong?" For the sake of the people of
Normanton, one hopes that the answer will be settled
peacefully.
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