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I'VE HAD ENOUGH OF BEING TOLD WHAT I
CAN'T DO WITH MY CAR
One of the things that attracted me to the
north London mews into which we moved three years ago had
nothing to do with the house itself. It was the parking
regulations, or rather the lack of them. Our mews is a
little cobbled private road, which means that the traffic
zealots employed by the London Borough of Camden may not
set foot in it. Occasionally I see them sucking their
pens and staring wistfully down the mews from the public
road, but they cannot lay a finger or a ticket on our
little black Golf.
You might think the idea of a dozen or so Londoners
squeezing their Volvos and Range Rovers into limited
spaces would cause chaos, but the private system,
developed over years and based on custom and courtesy,
works magnificently. We cheerfully move our cars around
to accommodate others, and get our guests to leave little
notes "Just visiting number three". Not
only does the system work, but it spares us the grief of
dealing with a Labour-controlled London borough.
We don't have to pay £90 a year to the licensed bandits
in Camden town hall to park outside our own home, or
answer impertinent questions from "Camden Parking
Solutions" about our ethnic origin, or be reminded
that our council tax bills are being squandered on
translating parking permit application forms into Welsh
and Bengali.
The great residents' parking racket, which has now
expanded into virtually every little town in the country,
is a perfect illustration of how the motorist is fleeced
by the Government and local authorities. First, a
"problem", lack of parking spaces, is
identified. The "solution" is a permit system,
initially set at a peppercorn rate, which soon becomes
yet another gigantic exercise in social engineering and a
lucrative stealth tax. Exactly the same procedure was
adopted with speed cameras and related "traffic
calming" measures. A few years ago, the Government
started funding "pilot projects" for cameras at
known accident spots. No one could complain at that:
speeding is against the law, and it would save the lives
of "our kids". But now, hey presto, we have a
£200 million a year industry catching 1.5 million
generally law-abiding motorists, while chief constables
across the country wonder why the middle classes suddenly
hate the police.
The current fuss about rises in the forecourt price of
petrol is a sideshow against the central issue of how
successive governments have identified the motorist as
the single greatest cash cow for the welfare state. The
daylight robbery is wrapped up in vaguely
"green" rhetoric: cars cause pollution and
accidents, the Government wants to reduce emissions to
meet some ill-defined global targets, and never mind that
the motorists of Britain are being persecuted even as the
government of China, as a matter of policy, is actually
encouraging its population to become car owners.
Occasionally, the scale of the Government's looting is
laid so bare that even Gordon Brown begins to appear
rattled.
The Times recently devoted much of it's front page to a
report that the Chancellor was moving to save the
motorist from petrol at £1 a litre by "hitting the
phones" to ministers of oil producing states,
pleading with them to agree to raise production at the
Opec meeting in Beirut. Purnomo Yusgiantoro, the
Indonesian president of Opec, was only one important
figure in the international oil world to be contacted by
Mr Brown, underscoring the Chancellor's determination,
aides said, "to leave nothing to chance".
This is a lovely image, Mr Brown sitting in the Treasury,
feverishly punching his phone, saving the motorist from
the consequences of Middle East instability. Is it too
suspicious to see in Mr Brown's stagey public activity an
implicit suggestion that the Chancellor must act to save
the British motorist from the unfortunate results of the
Prime Minister's adventure in Iraq?
But in reality, the Chancellor has much more control over
the cost of petrol on British forecourts than any of the
Opec ministers he spoke to yesterday. Back in 1990, taxes
and duty amounted to 60% of the price of a litre of
unleaded; today the figure is 76%. In other words, the
next time you spend £40 filling up your car, £30 is
going straight to the Treasury, and just £10 to the
garage, the refinery, the shippers, and the companies
which find the oil and pump it out of the ground.
The overall figures of the Government's take from
motorists are even more extraordinary. The AA has
produced a cost analysis of Mondeo man, driving a 1.8LX
model 10,000 miles a year. Including the £165 for the
road fund licence, about £21 "premium tax" on
his insurance policy, VAT on repairs, servicing, and
tyres, and about £900 in duty on petrol, Mondeo man is
paying just under £5,000 a year to run his car, £1,500
of which goes straight to the Government. This does not
include residents' parking permits or fines for passing
cameras at five miles over the speed limit.
It suits the Government to portray driving as essentially
selfish, rather than a necessity to millions, because
then motorists can be exploited for revenue purposes and
generally treated with contempt. Witness two related
stories in the Daily Telegraph. Drivers using the A483 in
Wales have been held up for seven years by a temporary
traffic light at roadworks that have not actually
started. Meanwhile, the Driving Standards Agency has been
forced to concede that the wait for a driving test in
some parts of the country now exceeds 13 weeks. And to
think that environmentalists talk with a straight face
about the power of the over-mighty "car lobby".
The Government hates private car ownership for precisely
the reason that millions of people will not give it up. A
car gives us freedom and independence, it liberates us
from the worst excesses of government incompetence, and
spares us the indignity of lousy public transport. The
Government responds by trying to curb us with speed bumps
and cameras and parking restrictions, for it resents the
freedom the car gives us, and brands us selfish. If you
laugh when you hear ministers talk about "joined
up" transport policies, or national walking
strategies, and if you recoil at being called a
"stakeholder" in New Labour's nightmare nanny
state, you have a solemn duty: keep on driving. (Source: Telegraph)
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